During the last decade, countries have undergone exciting changes in several areas of society in the Baltic Sea Region, especially along the Eastern Coast. Both physical and mental boundaries have shifted due to economic, political, and social changes. After the fall of the "iron curtain" and the break-up of the Soviet Union the mental map of Europe has once again changed dramatically (Lundqvist & Persson, 1995; O'Loughlin & van der Wusten, 1993).

There is an interesting paradox to be found in the Baltic Sea Region at the moment. On the one hand countries from the West are heading towards a more open political structure in connection with the expansion of the European Union. On the other hand many countries in the former Soviet Union and its former dependencies are developing in the opposite way in their nation-building processes. In the words of Brubaker they are nationalising states (Brubaker, 1996).

The changes of boundaries, borders and perhaps barriers are more than just physical changes on a map. They affect people and their minds as well, and these changes are most remarkable in boundary-areas. This article will discuss the situation in two twin-towns, or actually four separately towns, located on different sides of a state border in the Baltic Sea Region; namely Haparanda/Tornio on the border between Sweden and Finland, and Valga/Valka on the border between Estonia and Latvia.

During the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century nationalism had a strong impact on Europe and the rest of the world. Many small counties and different nations were put together into new states. The end of the First World War implied that a number of new states were to be established. So did the end of the Second World War, even though a number of states also disappeared. Before and in-between the Wars researchers and scientists showed an increased interest for a rather new topic: Political Geography. After the Second World War the topic was strongly connected to Nazism, and it was rarely practised for some time.

At the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s the attention to the topic started to rise again. At this time it was considered that a substantial part of the literature in Political Geography so far had been concentrated on political boundaries and domains associated with them. The literature indicated that most of the research was concerned with the evolution of the boundaries, territorial disputes and taxation problems. Nothing or little was written to ease up the understanding of the relationships between the boundaries and the spatial patterns of behaviour in the vicinity of these interfaces (Reynolds & McNulty, 1968). In 1973 Thomas Lunden defended his thesis of individual spatial behaviour in a boundary area. This study was one of the first of its kind, in Sweden and internationally. The aim of this study was to explain the reasons for the movement and contact patterns of individuals living in the vicinity of an international boundary. The chosen boundary was the southern part of the Swedish-Norwegian boundary (Lunden, 1973).

The interest for Political Geography is still high and even though the number of social studies is increasing, economic, juridical and strictly political topics are still dominant. The fact that the number of states in the world has more than doubled from around 90 states in 1955 to over 190 states in 1995, urges for a continuous research (Paasi, 1998). The on-going project "Boundaries to communication – the integrative effect of the state territory in boundary regions" deals with people living close to a state border. The aim of the project is to study the social communication between people on different sides of a state boundary, and how they are affected by the boundary as such. As mentioned earlier this article will deal with the current situation in the two twin-towns of Haparanda/Tornio and Valga/Valka.

There are many similarities between the two twin-towns even though there are more differences, especially regarding attitudes. There is no doubt that a majority of the people in Haparanda and Tornio would say that the collaboration between their towns is advantageous. There is also no doubt that a majority of the people in Valga and Valka would say the opposite thing, or at least they would mention that there is no reason for co-operation. In order to be able to understand the situation in the two twin-towns it is necessary for many reasons to present a historical review. Among others it will explain some of the reasons for different Ethnic groups to cross the border. There are both formal and informal contacts over the boundary, and there are many forms of interaction, which we will try to describe, in both twin-towns.

What is a nation? A genuine definition of a nation is extremely difficult to make as the concept of nation has various meanings to different people in different parts of the world. The whole issue is complex, and some people argue that behind a number of serious conflicts during the last centuries is the confusion of the definition of this word (Oesterud, 1997). The most common definition of a nation is perhaps the people. The people living on a certain territory might create a nation. Every existing nation is unique in one way or another, but it seems possible to make at least two general distinctions between nations.

Already in 1908 Friedrich Meinecke could distinguish two different types the nations; the Kultur-nation and the Staatsnation. Even if other terms are used today (cultural nation and political nation) the meaning of the terms is still valid and relevant. The cultural nation could be seen as a rather passive cultural community with limited claims for power, focusing on the people. The political nation is an active political community with self-determination and with legal power, or at least having the aim to get the legal power on a territory (Smith, 1991).

Regardless whether a nation is cultural or political it has always its members or "citizens". At any time there are limitations on the membership, which are both formal and informal. These limits are the object of the social and political conflicts over who is, and who is not, a member of the nation, and what kinds of rights different parts should enjoy (Painter, 1995). The definition of a nation is crucial for its content – a closed ethnical group or an open political society (Oesterud, 1997). Different ethnic groups inhabit the two twin-towns we are studying. In some cases people chose to stay outside and not become members or citizens, at least partly. In other cases people are left outside without a choice.

In my opinion, national identity is only distantly related to nationalism. National identity co-exists with local, national and international concern. Identity is a question of how people apprehend themselves; it is a perception (Oesterud, 1997). National identity is both individual and collective. Sometimes the national identity can not be seen from the outside, it is something one individual bears inside him. In other times clothes, manners or consciousness would show the national identity. When the national identity of many people is shared it becomes a national community, which is a kind of solidarity. The question is how far the solidarity goes if some people chose to stay, or if they are left, outside. However, lack of disagreements does not characterise a national community, it is rather the unity in principal institutions and rules of solving conflicts (Oesterud, 1997).

To people living in a border area, the reach or the action space may be hampered or diverted in different ways. Even at an "open" state boundary, like that between Finland and Sweden, it is regarded "natural" that a pupil living very near a school on the other side of the border attends a more distant school in his or her country of residence. The same applies for the most public services. In some cases, however, pupils with a mixed background living far away may be permitted to cross the boundary and attend the nearest school (Lunden, 1997). For purchases, the open boundary manifests itself by shopping trips determined by the price level of different goods. Even though there are market economies, many goods are subsidised or regulated in different ways. Very often one side of the border area benefits on the supply side, while the other benefits on the demand side, but over time, the relationship may be reversed (Loesch, 1954).

As for the mass media consumption, the media of the state of residence is often preferred when it comes to news and other important information, while entertainment programs on television and radio are often watched on both sides if language permits. Personal contacts, including family formation depend on cultural traditions and the demographic situation in the area (Lunden, 1973).

At the state border, the question of allegiance is always apparent, and there is always a potential conflict between the state and the individual, even where the border is not questioned. At a fairly open border, like at Haparanda/Tornio or Valga/Valka, living at the periphery of one's "own" state may mean nuisances, but also opportunities. The state, and its subordinate organisations, must try to take advantage of the border situation on behalf of its citizens, and to the benefit of the inhabitants of both sides of the divide. On the state level, this can be done through legislation that takes into consideration that most states are not islands distant from their neighbour states, but pieces of a big landmass. On the municipal level, politicians and public services must work both "upwards" in the state hierarchy, "downwards" to the local inhabitants, and sideways, to the neighbour municipality, making the border area an area of opportunity, and in that way keeping loyalty of its residents.

The twin-town Haparanda/Tornio is situated on the border between Sweden and Finland, just south of the Arctic Circle. Tornio was founded as a commercial centre by the Swedish king GUSTAF II ADOLF in 1621 when Finland belonged to Sweden. In 1809 when Sweden lost the Finnish-territory to Russia, a border was drawn between Sweden and Finland. The new border was not drawn after ethnical but territorial principles along the Torne River. If the border would have been drawn by ethnical principles it should have been some 100km West of the chosen borderline. In 1821, Haparanda was founded on the Swedish side of the border to complement Tornio.

The border between Sweden and Finland became a frontier for more than a hundred years or until Finland achieved its independence in 1918 for the first time in the history. Even though it was easier for people to communicate after Finland was free, the border still existed and the differences in spoken Finnish language on both sides of the river (the border) were already noticed at that time. At the end of the Second World War, in 1945, the northern parts of Finland were completely destroyed, while the Swedish parts were untouched. The disparity between people on each side of the border was clear, especially in regard to living standards. The divergence led to fewer contacts between the two towns.

In the 1970s, as the differences decreased between the two twin-towns, a new, more outspoken, form of co-operation was originated. Both sides realised they could gain in collaboration, and in 1987 a new transnational body, Provincia Bothniensis (PB), was created between the two twin-towns on the initiative from each municipality. PB has its own government with the chairman from one side, and the deputy from the other. During the last decade the results of the co-operation have led to great achievements, for example environmental projects, a language school and common grounds for leisure activities.

Nowadays, most of the people in Haparanda and Tornio find the co-operation both natural and obvious. The co-operation is also well known nationally and internationally, and it is often mentioned as a vital model for cross-border collaboration. The good reputation has also led to international missions, assisting other border-areas in building up their own organisations. Nevertheless, complaints exist about the PB work. Except for those who are always dissatisfied, more serious complaints accuse the PB to be too hierarchical and top-down organised.

In Haparanda and Tornio three major ethnic groups can be considered; Swedes, Finns and "Tornedalingar". Only Finns populate Tornio, while the situation is more complicated in Haparanda. In Haparanda a majority will call themselves Swedes, including the Tornedalingar, but around 35% of the population are ethnical Finns. Out of those a majority, or 25% of the total population, still have their Finnish citizenship. A large group of these Finns have moved to Haparanda quite recently from other parts of Sweden, where many of them used to work since the 1970s. The people who call themselves Tornedalingar also speak Finnish, although some of them argue that they have their own language: meänkieli. The Tornedalingar are the remains of the Finnish people that were cut out when Sweden and Finland were divided (see above). Today they consider themselves as Swedes, but reflecting on their own language and culture, they also argue for special social and political status in the society.

During the last decade the administrative and political border between Haparanda and Tornio has almost disappeared. Since 1994 both Finland and Sweden are members of the EU, and even though there are some restrictions in the cross-border activities, both goods and persons can cross the border freely.

The twin-town of Valga/Valka is situated on the border between Estonia and Latvia. In comparison with Haparanda/Tornio, Valga/Valka has been one town from the beginning. The town was first mentioned as early as 1286. For centuries the town was united and inhabited by both Estonians and Latvians. With the expansion of the railway Valga/Valka became an important railway-knot. During the last decades of the 19th century, many factories and workshops related to the railway-business were constructed. In 1920 Valga/Valka was divided in two towns when Estonia and Latvia became independent states. The border of the towns was determined by ethnic principles, like the rest of the border between Estonia and Latvia. For a long time Estonians and Latvians have inhabited different parts of the town even though there was no fixed boundary.

After the Second World War and the annex of the Soviet Union in 1945 the town of Valga/ Valka became once again united, at least in a practical sense, even though Valga was situated in the Soviet Estonian Republic and Valka in the Soviet Latvian Republic. During the Soviet time the Estonian and Latvian population kept their habits regarding housing and they stayed on their respective sides. For the Slavic population, mainly represented by ethnic Russians, who in large numbers moved to Valga/Valka during the Soviet time, there was no such limitation. They considered Valga/Valka a Soviet town, and spread out all over the twin-town not according to the (invisible) border between the two Soviet republics.

During the Soviet time Valga/Valka had the same administration and political system. Education, healthcare, transport etc. was shared. Since August 1991, when Estonia and Latvia became independent again, the twin-town has been separated into two towns. Once more the two towns had to face a totally new situation, which arose suddenly and without any warning. They were obliged to build up their own administration within their own countries very quickly. At the same time limitations to move freely were raised, and new barriers were set up in the twin-town, or more precisely, in - between the two towns.

There was no co-operation at all between the two towns the first years after the separation, there were not even any talks. Negotiations between states are supposed to be held between governments, and not between municipalities. The authorities in Valga/Valka did not see any reasons to discuss local problems, as they understood that they were not able to solve them alone. There was also fear from both sides, to do things that they were not supposed to do, as a heritage from the Soviet time. An additional hindrance was that while Estonia had a rather decentralised political system, the political system in Latvia still was very centralised and all decisions had to be made in Riga.

In 1996 the project ESTLA was created aiming at starting discussions between Valga/Valka, and to define problems. The project is carried out in co-operation with the PB from Haparanda/Tornio. The EU programme INTERREG, which aim is to develop cross-border activities and co-operation, finances the project. In October 1998 the first step was finished and it needs to be evaluated now before starting the next phase.

There are four major ethnic groups in Valga/Valka: Estonians and Latvians, who live in Valga and Valka respectively, and Russians and "Aliens" (people without citizenship) who live in both towns. About 35% of the population in Valga are Russians or Aliens, while the respective figure in Valka is 25%. Neither Estonians nor Latvians claim that they have any or little reason to cross the border. If they wish, they can do so as often as they like after showing their passports. The Russian population has to apply for a visa and their passports will be stamped every time they pass the border. The Aliens are allowed to cross the border ninety times a year, and they also get a stamp in their visa every time they pass the border.

Thus there are difficulties to pass the border already today, and many people are worried about the future in case if Estonia, but not Latvia becomes a member of the EU. Estonia has been chosen to be within the first round of countries from the former Eastern Block to be negotiated about EU membership. Latvia, however, has not been selected.

As it has been described above, there are a lot of differences between Haparanda/Tornio and Valga/Valka. To a large extent these differences can be explained through geographical, historical and political differences today and in the past. However, there are a number of similarities to be mentioned as well. For example they have a peripheral location in the respective country, and a large minority group inhabits both twin-towns. To be able to further compare the situation in each twin-town, the cross border activities can be divided into three segments: political, economic and individual activities.

The two twin-towns are organised politically through the PB and ESTLA. PB has been working since 1987, and several projects have been realised as it was mentioned earlier. One of the most important issues, however, is that the perception of the border and the neighbours has changed in a positive way even though the national identity among all politicians is still strong. ESTLA has just carried out the first step, and contacts across the border are taking place, which is of course fundamental achievement. Differences in political systems as well as financial differences make these efforts more difficult. In Valga/Valka politicians from each side of the boundary not only guard their own nationality, but also look upon others with suspicion.

When it comes to economic activities, some attempts have been made in Haparanda to organise a transnational business organisation in 1995. As it seems, it could never be realised due to antagonism. However, some authorities in Haparanda use the working-title of the project, EUROCITY, but it is not used in Tornio. Nowadays there are no or little differences in prices across the border, but Tornio has a wider choice of almost everything. In Valga/Valka there are no economic collaboration at all, but Valga can offer a wider choice and lower prices in everything except alcohol and tobacco. There is a market in Valga every weekend, which normally attracts a number of visitors from Latvia.

Individual contacts across the border are frequent in both twin-towns. About 500 people cross the border from Haparanda to go to work in Tornio, and about 200 people from Tornio work in Haparanda. Approximately 10 000 cars cross the Swedish/Finnish border on a daily basis. There are a lot of leisure activities taking place in the other town: there is a shared ice-skating hall in Haparanda and a swimming pool in Tornio, for example. Mixed teams however are not common. Many people, especially in Haparanda, have relatives on the other side of the border. In Valga/Valka there are only a few people working on the other side, but several pupils are crossing the border to attend school. Due to all problems with crossing the border, facilities on the other side are seldom used. A few Estonians and Latvians have relatives on the other side of the boundary, but almost every Russian or Alien has relatives and friends on the other side. Ironically they are also the ones with most difficulties to cross the border.

In the present-day situation, certain factors have to be considered:

The ethnic and linguistic distribution of population is not a major problem, since many people in Haparanda speak or at least understand Finnish. In Tornio, where Swedish is an official language as in the rest of Finland, Swedish is rarely understood and seldom spoken.

People and goods might cross the border freely, with some exceptions.

Increased interest of the locals for the other community, and of the companies for the other country makes the future looking bright.

In Haparanda Swedes and Tornedalingar have a strong national identity, as well as people living in Tornio. The Finns living in Haparanda seem to be more dubious about their identity.

In the present-day situation, certain factors have to be considered:

The ethnic and linguistic distribution of population has a rather clear delimitation along the border between ethnic Estonian and Latvians, but with Russian-speaking population groups on both sides.

The regulations of cross-border traffic imply a restricted number of crossings and different possibilities for citizens, non-citizen residents and for aliens respectively.

The "opportunity landscape" of existing workplaces, educational institutions, markets and shops and other facilities, is available both in the twin town and in the surroundings.

A strong national identity among Estonians and Latvians, and to some extent among Russians is observed. The Aliens are in a complex situation.